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[科普知识] 译文:高超声速发展简史第一章——二战德国篇

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发表于 2019-12-01 12:00 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式

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高超声速简史(译文)T. A. Heppenheimer Facing the Heat Barrier: A History of Hypersonics
https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/28902543
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把银鸟做出来!!!!过去觉得是做梦!东风17出来后,貌似这也不是不可能滴!!!!!哈哈哈哈哈
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 楼主| 发表于 2019-12-15 22:37 | 显示全部楼层

RE: 译文:高超声速发展简史第一章——二战德国篇

1 First Steps in Hypersonic Research
高超声速研究的第一步

Today’s world of high-speed flight is international, with important contributions having recently been made in Japan, Australia, and Russia as well as in the United States. This was even truer during World War II, when Adolf Hitler sponsored development programs that included early jet fighters and the V-2 missile. America had its own research center at NACA’s Langley Memorial Aeronautical Laboratory, but in important respects America was little more than an apt pupil of the wartime Germans. After the Nazis surrendered, the U.S. Army brought Wernher von Braun and his rocket team to this country, and other leading researchers found themselves welcome as well.
当今世界高速飞行在国际性上广泛开展,最近在日本,澳大利亚,俄罗斯以及美国在这一领域的研究取得了重要的贡献。而在二战期间,当阿道夫希特勒支持的研发计划包括早期的喷气式战斗机和V-2导弹。美国在NACA的兰利航空实验室有自己的研究中心,但在重要的方面,美国不过是战时德国人聪明的学生。在纳粹投降后,美国军队把韦纳·冯·布劳恩(Wernher von Braun)和他的火箭带回了美国,同样受欢迎的还有其他领先的研究人员。

Some of their best work had supported the V-2, using a pair of tunnels that operated at Mach 4.4. This was just short of hypersonic, but these facilities made a key contribution by introducing equipment and research methods that soon found use in studying true hypersonic flows. At Peenemunde, one set of experiments introduced a wind-tunnel nozzle of specialized design and reached Mach 8.8, becoming the first to achieve such a speed. Other German work included the design of a 76,000-horsepower installation that might have reached Mach 10.
一些最好的工作支持了V-2,包括两个在4.4马赫运行的风洞。这仅仅是短暂的高超音速,但这些设施通过引入设备和研究方法,做出了关键贡献,很快发现使用在真实高超音速流的研究。在佩内明德,一系列的实验介绍了一个专门设计的风洞喷管达到8.8马赫,成为第一个实现这样一个速度的风洞。德国其他的工作包括设计安装76000马力的设施,可能已经达到了10马赫。

The technical literature also contained an introductory discussion of a possible application. It appeared within a wartime report by Austria’s Eugen Sänger, who had proposed to build a hypersonic bomber that would extend its range by repeatedly skipping off the top of the atmosphere like a stone skipping over water. This concept did not enter the mainstream of postwar weapons development, which gave pride of place to the long-range ballistic missile. Still, Sänger’s report introduced skipping entry as a new mode of high-speed flight, and gave a novel suggestion as to how wings could increase the range of a rocket-powered vehicle.
技术文献中还包含了一个高超声速可能应用的介绍。它出现在战时奥地利的欧根桑格尔的报告,他曾提出要建设一个高超音速轰炸机,通过反复跳的在大气层顶端滑跃扩大航程,就像一块打水漂的石头掠过水面。这一概念并没有进入战后武器发展的主流,因为远程弹道导弹的发展占据了主流。不过,桑格尔的报告介绍的跳跃再入作为一种新的高速飞行模式,却为火箭动力飞行器增加机翼后如何增加航程提供了一个新的途径。

Within Langley, ongoing research treated flows that were merely supersonic. However, the scientist John Becker wanted to go further and conduct studies of hypersonic flows. He already had spent several years at Langley, thereby learning his trade as an aerodynamicist. At the same time he still was relatively young, which meant that much of his career lay ahead of him. In 1947 he achieved a major advance in hypersonics by building its first important research instrument, an 11- inch wind tunnel that operated at Mach 6.9.
在兰利,正在开展的流动研究只达到了超音速。然而,科学家贝克尔(John Becker)想进一步研究高超音速流。他已经在兰利工作了几年的时间,由此作为一个空气动力学。而当时,他还相对年轻,这意味着他的未来还有的职业生涯的大部分时间。1947年,他在高超音速领域取得了的一大进步,建立第一个重要的研究工具,一个11英寸的风洞,可以在6.9马赫工作。

At the Technische Hochschule in Hannover, early in the twentieth century, the physicist Ludwig Prandtl founded the science of aerodynamics. Extending earlier work by Italy’s Tullio Levi-Civita, he introduced the concept of the boundary layer. He described it as a thin layer of air, adjacent to a wing or other surface, that clings to this surface and does not follow the free-stream flow. Drag, aerodynamic friction, and heat transfer all arise within this layer. Because the boundary layer is thin, the equations of fluid flow simplified considerably, and important aerodynamic complexities became mathematically tractable.
早在第二十世纪,在汉诺威工业学院,物理学家路德维希普朗特(Ludwig Prandtl)建立空气动力学的学科专业。延续先前意大利Tullio Levi-Civita的工作,他引入了边界层的概念。他把它描述为薄薄的一层空气,临近翼面或其他表面,粘附在表面,不追随外面的自由流。阻力、空气动力摩擦、以及热传导都出现在这一层。由于边界层很薄,流体动力学流动可以获得简化,重要而复杂的空气动力学问题可以在数学上做处理。

As early as 1907, at a time when the Wright Brothers had not yet flown in public, Prandtl launched the study of supersonic flows by publishing investigations of a steam jet at Mach 1.5. He now was at Göttingen University, where he built a small supersonic wind tunnel. In 1911 the German government founded the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft, an umbrella organization that went on to sponsor a broad range of institutes in many areas of science and engineering. Prandtl proposed to set up a center at Göttingen for research in aerodynamics and hydrodynamics, but World War I intervened, and it was not until 1925 that this laboratory took shape.
早在1907年初,当时莱特兄弟还没有公开飞行,普朗特就发表了1.5马赫蒸汽喷射的研究工作,介绍了超音速流动的相关研究。他那时是在哥廷根大学,他在那里建立了一个小型的超音速风洞。1911德国政府成立了威廉皇帝物理研究院(Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft),一个伞状组织,继续在许多领域赞助科学与工程范围广泛的研究。普朗特提出在哥廷根建立一个空气动力学和流体力学的研究中心,但第一次世界大战的介入,直到1925,这个实验室才初具规模。

After that though, work in supersonics went forward with new emphasis. Jakob Ackeret, a colleague of Prandtl, took the lead in building supersonic wind tunnels. He was Swiss, and he built one at the famous Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule in Zurich. This attracted attention in nearby Italy, where the dictator Benito Mussolini was giving strong support to aviation. Ackeret became a consultant to the Italian Air Force and built a second wind tunnel in Guidonia, near Rome. It reached speeds approaching 2,500 miles per hour (mph), which far exceeded those that were available anywhere else in the world.
之后虽然,在超音速领域的工作又受到了重视。普朗特的同事——雅各布阿克莱特(Jakob Ackeret),带领建设了超音速风洞。他是瑞士人,他在著名的瑞士苏黎世联邦理工学院建立了一个风洞。这引起了附近的意大利人的注意,那里的独裁者墨索里尼给予了航空强有力的支持。阿克莱特成为意大利空军了顾问,在罗马附近的圭多尼亚建立了第二个风洞,它达到了每小时2500英里(英里)的速度,远远超过了世界上任何其他地方的风洞设施。

These facilities were of the continuous-flow type. Like their subsonic counter- parts, they ran at substantial power levels and could operate all day. At the Technische Hochschule in Aachen, the aerodynamicist Carl Wiesenberger took a different approach in 1934 by building an intermittent-flow facility that needed much less power. This “blowdown” installation relied on an evacuated sphere, which sucked outside air through a nozzle at speeds that reached Mach 3.3.
这些设施采用了连续流动形式。与获得亚音速相对应,设备可以在相当大的功率水平下全天运行。在亚琛工业大学,空气动力学家卡尔威森伯格(Carl Wiesenberger)在1934采取了不同的途径,建设了间断流动设备,所需的功率大大减少。这个“喷出”设备需要依靠真空球,通过吸嘴吸入外部空气让速度达到3.3马赫。

This wind tunnel was small, having a test-section diameter of only four inches. But it set the pace for the mainstream of Germany’s wartime supersonic research. Wieselberger’s assistant, Rudolf Hermann, went to Peenemunde, the center of that country’s rocket development, where in 1937 he became head of its new Aerodynamics Institute. There he built a pair of large supersonic tunnels, with 16-inch test sections, that followed Aachen’s blowdown principle. They reached Mach 4.4, but not immediately. A wind tunnel’s performance depends on its nozzle, and it took time to develop proper designs. Early in 1941 the highest working speed was Mach 2.5; a nozzle for Mach 3.1 was still in development. The Mach 4.4 nozzles were not ready until 1942 or 1943.
这风洞很小,试验段的直径只有四英寸。但它树立了德国战时主要超音速研究的标杆。wieselberger的助理,鲁道夫赫尔曼(Rudolf Hermann),前往佩内明德(Peenemunde)的国家的火箭发展的中心,1937年,他成为那里新的空气动力学研究所的负责人。他在那里建设了一对大的超声速风洞,试验段达到了16英寸,采用了亚琛的喷出原理。他们达到了4.4马赫,但不是立即达到这个速度。一个风洞的性能取决于它的喷管,需要花时间来决定适当的设计。1941年初最高工作速度为马赫2.5,为马赫3.1的喷管仍在开发中。而4.4马赫的喷管直到1942或1943年还没有准备好。

The Germans never developed a true capability in hypersonics, but they came close. The Mach 4.4 tunnels introduced equipment and methods of investigation that carried over to this higher-speed regime. The Peenemunde vacuum sphere was constructed of riveted steel and had a diameter of 40 feet. Its capacity of a thousand cubic meters gave run times of 20 seconds.4 Humidity was a problem; at Aachen, Hermann had learned that moisture in the air could condense when the air cooled as it expanded through a supersonic nozzle, producing unwanted shock waves that altered the anticipated Mach number while introducing nonuniformities in the direction and velocity of flow. At Peenemunde he installed an air dryer that used silica gel to absorb the moisture in the air that was about to enter his supersonic tunnels.
德国人从未发展出真正的高超音速能力,但他们已经接近了。4.4马赫风洞引进的设备和研究方法,可以延伸到更高的速度。通过钢结构铆接的佩内明德真空球达到了直径40英尺。其容量达到了一千立方米,运行时间可以达到20秒4。湿度是一个问题;在亚琛,赫尔曼已经了解到,当空气通过超音速喷嘴扩张时冷却,空气中的水分会凝结,产生不期望的激波,改变预期的马赫数,同时使流动的方向和速度引入了不均匀量。在佩内明德,他安装空气干燥器,用硅胶吸收即将进入超音速风洞的空气中的水分。

Configuration development was at the top of his agenda. To the modern mind the V-2 resembles a classic spaceship, complete with fins. It is more appropriate to say that spaceship designs resemble the V-2, for that missile was very much in the forefront during the postwar years, when science fiction was in its heyday.6 The V-2 needed fins to compensate for the limited effectiveness of its guidance, and their design was trickier than it looked. They could not be too wide, or the V-2 would be unable to pass through railroad tunnels. Nor could they extend too far below the body of the missile, or the rocket exhaust, expanding at high altitude, would burn them off.
布局构型的发展是他的首要任务。以现代的眼光看,V-2类似经典的飞船,包含翼面。更恰当的说,应当是今天宇宙飞船的设计类似于V-2,为战后是导弹发展最重要的一段鼎盛时期。V-2需要利用控制面来弥补导航系统,尤其是它们的设计是比表面上看起来更加复杂。他们不能太宽,否则V-2将无法通过铁路隧道。他们也不能在导弹弹体后部延伸太长,否则火箭的尾焰随着高度的提升会扩展,把控制舵面烧掉。

The historian Michael Neufeld notes that during the 1930s, “no one knew how to design fins for supersonic flight.” The A-3, a test missile that preceded the V-2, had proven to be too stable; it tended merely to rise vertically, and its guidance system lacked the authority to make it tilt. Its fins had been studied in the Aachen supersonic tunnel, but this problem showed up only in flight test, and for a time it was unclear how to go further. Hermann Kurzweg, Rudolf Hermann’s assistant, investigated low-speed stability building a model and throwing it off the roof of his home. When that proved unsatisfactory, he mounted it on a wire, attached it to his car, and drove down an autobahn at 60 mph.
历史学家迈克尔(Michael Neufeld)在上世纪30年代指出,“没有人知道如何设计的超音速飞行的控制面。“在V-2导弹之前的A-3测试导弹,已经被证明是太过稳定的;它往往只是垂直上升,其制导系统缺乏权限使它倾斜。亚琛超音速风洞研究了控制面,但这一问题仅在飞行试验中才出现,而且还不清楚如何进一步研究。赫尔曼(Hermann Kurzweg),鲁道夫赫尔曼(Rudolf Hermann)的助手,研究了低速稳定性,制作了模型,并把它从他家的屋顶扔下去。当这被证明很难令人满意的情况下,他把它通过一条绳子连到了他的车上,在德国的高速公路上,开车使速度达到了60英里。

The V-2 was to fly at Mach 5, but for a time there was concern that it might not top Mach 1. The sound barrier loomed as potentially a real barrier, difficult to pierce, and at that time people did not know how to build a transonic wind tunnel that would give reliable results. Investigators studied this problem by building heavy iron models of this missile and dropping them from a Heinkel He-111 bomber. Observers watched from the ground; in one experiment, Von Braun himself piloted a plane and dove after the model to observe it from the air. The design indeed proved to be marginally unstable in the transonic region, but the V-2 had the thrust to power past Mach 1 with ease.
V-2需要能够飞到马赫5,但人们一度担心它可能不达不到1马赫。声障是可能存在的真正障碍,难以穿越,而当时人们并不知道如何建设一个跨声速风洞,能给出可靠的结果。研究人员在处理这个问题的时候,通过铸铁制造了一个很重的模型,并将它从一个亨克尔He-111轰炸机上投放下去,观察者从地面上看。在一个实验中,布劳恩亲自驾驶一架飞机,在模型后面俯冲下去,从后面观察模型。确实证明了设计状态在跨音速范围内有轻微的不稳定,但有V-2的推力有足够的功率让它轻松穿越1马赫。

A second test missile, the A-5, also contributed to work on fin design. It sup- ported development of the guidance system, but it too needed fins, and it served as a testbed for further flight studies. Additional flight tests used models with length of five feet that were powered with rocket engines that flew with hydrogen peroxide as the propellant.
一次导弹试验,A-5,也促成了对尾翼的设计工作。它支持端口的制导系统的发展,但也需要散热片,它是作为一个飞行试验进一步研究。附加飞行试验使用了五英尺长的模型,其长度为火箭发动机,火箭发动机与过氧化氢作为推进剂。

These tests showed that an initial fin design given by Kurzweg had the best subsonic stability characteristics. Subsequently, extensive wind-tunnel work both at Peenemunde and at a Zeppelin facility in Stuttgart covered the V-2’s complete Mach range and refined the design. In this fashion, the V-2’s fins were designed with only minimal support from Peenemunde’s big supersonic wind tunnels. But these tunnels came into their own later in the war, when investigators began to consider how to stretch this missile’s range by adding wings and thereby turning it into a supersonic glider.
这些试验表明,初始的鳍片设计了最好的亚稳定性特征Kurzweg。随后,广泛的风洞工作在佩内明德和斯图加特一个飞艇设施覆盖V-2的完整的马赫数范围和精致的设计。在这种方式中,V-2的鳍片设计从佩内明德的大型超音速风洞只有最小的支持。但这些隧道进入自己在战争后期,当研究人员开始考虑如何把导弹的射程增加了翅膀,从而把它变成一个超音速滑翔机。

Once the Germans came up with a good configuration for the V-2, they stuck with it. They proposed to use it anew in a two-stage missile that again sported fins that look excessively large to the modern eye, and that was to cross the Atlantic to strike New York.8 But there was no avoiding the need for a new round of wind- tunnel tests in studying the second stage of this intercontinental missile, the A-9, which was to fly with swept wings. As early as 1935 Adolf Busemann, another colleague of Prandtl, had proposed the use of such wings in supersonic flight. Walter Dornberger, director of V-2 development, describes witnessing a wind-tunnel test of a model’s stability.
一旦德国人设法获得了V-2的良好布局,他们就坚持下来了。他们建议在这基础上重新设计一个两级导弹,又一次采用了在现代看来过大的控制面,而这是用来跨越大西洋打击纽约的8。不可避免地通过新一轮的风洞实验研究着两级洲际导弹,A-9,采用了后掠翼。早在1935年,普朗特的另一个同事,阿道夫(Adolf Busemann)就提出了在超音速飞行采用这种后掠机翼。沃尔特(Walter Dornberger),研发V-2的负责人,描述了见证模型稳定性的风洞试验。

The model had “two knifelike, very thin, swept-back wings.” Mounted at its center of gravity, it “rotated at the slightest touch.” When the test began, a technician opened a valve to start the airflow. In Dornberger’s words, “The model moved abruptly, turning its nose into the oncoming airstream. After a few quickly damping oscillations of slight amplitude, it lay quiet and stable in the air that hissed past it at 4.4 times the speed of sound. At the nose, and at the edges of the wing supports and guide mechanism, the shock waves could be clearly seen as they traveled diagonally backward at a sharp angle.
该模型有个像两刀一样的,很薄的后掠翼。”安装轴在它的重心位置,它在轻微触碰下就可以旋转。当试验开始时,一个技术人员打开阀门启动气流。Dornberger说道,“模型快速移动,把它的头锥转到迎面而来的气流。经过很快衰减的小振幅振荡之后,模型安静的稳定在了嘶吼而过的4.4倍音速的空气中。在头锥和翼面前缘,可以清楚地看到,激波以很大的角度向斜后方扫过。

As the speed of the airflow fell off and the test ended, the model was no longer lying in a stable position. It made a few turns around its center of gravity, and then it came to a standstill with the nose pointing downward. The experiment Dr. Hermann had wished to show me had succeeded perfectly. This projectile, shaped like an airplane, had remained absolutely stable at a supersonic speed range of almost 3,500 mph.”
当气流的速度下降直到试验结束,模型不再保持在一个稳定的位置。它绕着它的重心转了几圈,最后头锥向下达到静止状态。通过这个实验赫尔曼博士希望能证明已经成功了。这个形状像一架飞机的导弹,在近3500英里每小时的超音速范围内一直保持绝对稳定。”

Work on the A-9 languished for much of the war, for the V-2 offered problems aplenty and had far higher priority. But in 1944, as the Allies pushed the Germans out of France and the Russians closed in from the east, Dornberger and Von Braun faced insistent demands that they pull a rabbit from a hat and increase the V-2’s range. The rabbit was the A-9, with its wings promising a range of 465 miles, some three times that of the standard V-2.
二站期间A-9的工作逐渐衰落了,因为V-2存在很多问题且拥有高的多的优先权。但在1944年,正当盟军把德军从法国赶走,俄罗斯从东部逼近的时候,Dornberger和布劳恩面临着迫切的需求,他们需要变魔法般的增加V-2的射程。这个魔术就是A-9,利用机翼它的射程可以达到465英里,三倍于V-2的标准射程。

Peenemunde’s Ludwig Roth proceeded to build two prototypes. The V-2 was known to its builders as the A-4, and Roth’s A-9 now became the A-4b, a designation that allowed it to share in the high priority of that mainstream program. The A-4b took shape as a V-2 with swept wings and with a standard set of fins that included slightly enlarged air vanes for better control. Certainly the A-4b needed all the help it could get, for the addition of wings had made it highly sensitive to winds.
佩内明德的路德维希罗斯(Ludwig Roth)开始制造两个原型机。V-2的内部编号为A-4,罗斯(Roth)的A-9现在成了A-4b,这种命名方式让它可以分享更高的优先级。A-4b采用了V-2加后掠机翼的外形,以及和一套标配的控制面,只是为了有利于控制,增大了翼面面积。当然,A-4b需要它所能得到的一切帮助,因为增加了机翼,对风变得高度敏感。

The first A-4b launch took place late in December 1944. It went out of control and crashed as the guidance system failed to cope with its demands. Roth’s rocketeers tried again a month later, and General Dornberger describes how this flight went much better: “The rocket, climbing vertically, reached a peak altitude of nearly 50 miles at a maximum speed of 2,700 mph. [It] broke the sound barrier without trouble. It flew with stability and steered automatically at both subsonic and supersonic speeds. On the descending part of the trajectory, soon after the rocket leveled out at the upper limit of the atmosphere and began to glide, a wing broke. This structural failure resulted from excessive aerodynamic loads.”
第一发A-4b的发射发生在1944十二月下旬。由于制导系统未能达到要求,它失控而坠毁了。罗斯的火箭测试人员一个月后又试了一次,多恩贝格尔(Dornberger)将军叙述了这次表现更好的试飞:“火箭垂直爬升,最高高度达到了近50英里,最高时速达到了2700英里的。毫无障碍的地突破了声障。在亚音速和超音速下,它都能够保持稳定和自动驾驶。在轨迹的下降阶段,火箭在大气层顶端平飞后不久开始下滑,机翼破坏。过大的气动力载荷导致了结构失效。”

This shot indeed achieved its research goals, for it was to demonstrate successful launch and acceleration through the sound barrier, overcoming drag from the wings, and it did these things. Gliding flight was not on the agenda, for while windtunnel tests could demonstrate stability in a supersonic glide, they could not guard against atmosphere entry in an improper attitude, with the A-4b tumbling out of control.
这次发射确实达到了研究目标,因为它的目标是验证发射,并克服机翼的阻力加速到突破音障,这些的确做到了。滑翔飞行还没有提上日程,风洞试验虽然可以在演示超音速滑翔的稳定性,但不能保证以合适的姿态进入大气层,因此,A-4b出现了翻滚并失控。

Yet while the Germans still had lessons to learn about loads on a supersonic aircraft in flight, they certainly had shown that they knew their high-speed aerodynamics. One places their achievement in perspective by recalling that all through the 1950s a far wealthier and more technically capable United States pursued a vigorous program in rocket-powered aviation without coming close to the A-4b’s performance. The best American flight, of an X-2 in 1956, approached 2,100 mph—and essentially duplicated the German failure as it went out of control, killing the pilot and crashing. No American rocket plane topped the 2,700 mph of the A-4b until the X-15 in 1961.
尽管德国仍然需要持续研究,以了解超音速飞行中的飞机载荷,但这肯定已经表明他们知道了高速空气动力学。当我们回顾世纪50年代,德国人的成就仍然占有一席之地,美国在资金和技术更加充裕的情况下,积极推行火箭动力航空研究的时候,仍然没有接近A-4b的性能。美国X-2在1956年的最好飞行,接近2100英里每小时,基本上是复制德国的失败,它失去了控制,飞行失事造成了飞行员殒命。美国的火箭飞机的速度没有能够达到A-4b的2700英里每小时,直到1961年X-15的出现。

Hence, without operating in the hypersonic regime, the Peenemunde wind tunnels laid important groundwork as they complemented such alternative research techniques as dropping models from a bomber and flying scale models under rocket power. Moreover, the Peenemunde aerodynamicist Siegfried Erdmann used his center’s facilities to conduct the world’s first experiments with a hypersonic flow.
因此,尽管没有在高超音速内运行的条件,佩内明德的风洞为其他替代技术研究奠定了重要的基础,包括如从轰炸机飞行投放火箭动力的缩比模型。此外,佩内明德空气动力学Siegfried Erdmann利用研究中心的风洞设施,开展了世界上第一个高超声速流场实验。

In standard operation, at speeds up to Mach 4.4, the Peenemunde tunnels had been fed with air from the outside world, at atmospheric pressure. Erdmann knew that a hypersonic flow needed more, so he arranged to feed his tunnel with compressed air. He also fabricated a specialized nozzle and aimed at Mach 8.8, twice the standard value. His colleague Peter Wegener describes what happened: “Everything was set for the first-ever hypersonic flow experiment. The highest possible pressure ratio across the test section was achieved by evacuating the sphere to the limit the remaining pump could achieve. The supply of the nozzle—in contrast to that at lower Mach numbers—was now provided by air at a pressure of about 90 atmospheres…. The experiment was initiated by opening the fast-acting valve. The flow of brief duration looked perfect as viewed via the optical system. Beautiful photographs of the flow about wedge-shaped models, cylinders, spheres, and other simple shapes were taken, photographs that looked just as one would expect from gas dynamics theory.”
在标准流程中,速度达到4.4马赫,佩内明德风洞引入外部标准大气压力的空气。埃德曼知道高超声速流动需要更高的压力,所以他设计了为风洞提供压缩空气。他还制造了一个专门的喷嘴,目标是达到8.8马赫,两倍于标准值。他的同事韦格纳描述了接下来发生了什么事:“一切都被设定为首次高超声速流动实验。为了突破泵的限制,通过把球体抽真空,在测试部分达到了最高压力比。相对低马赫数使用的喷管,这次使用的喷管能够在提供的空气在压力约为90个大气压…实验是由开启做动阀开启。通过光学系统观察到的短时持续的流动看起来非常完美。获得了流动通过楔形模型,圆柱,球体以及其他简单形状的漂亮照片,这些照片看起来与人民希望从气体动力学理论获得的结果非常一致。”

These tests addressed the most fundamental of issues: How, concretely, does one operate a hypersonic wind tunnel? Supersonic tunnels had been bedeviled by condensation of water vapor, which had necessitated the use of silica gel to dry the air. A hypersonic facility demanded far greater expansion of the flow, with consequent temperatures that were lower still. Indeed, such flow speeds brought the prospect of condensation of the air itself.
这些测试解决了最根本的问题:如何具体地操作一个高超音速风洞?超音速风洞已经被水蒸气凝结的问题困扰,曾经通过使用硅胶干燥空气来解决问题。一个高超音速风洞要求长的多的扩张断,随之而来的是更低的温度。事实上,这样的流速带来的问题是空气本身的冷凝。

Conventional handbooks give the liquefaction temperatures of nitrogen and oxygen, the main constituents of air, respectively as 77 K and 90 K. These refer to conditions at atmospheric pressure; at the greatly rarefied pressures of flow in a hypersonic wind tunnel, the pertinent temperatures are far lower. In addition, Erdmann hoped that his air would “supersaturate,” maintaining its gaseous state because of the rapidity of the expansion and hence of the cooling.
传统的手册给出的空气的主要成分,氮气和氧气的液化问题,分别为77 K和90 K,这还是在标准大气压力下的温度;在高超声速风洞更加薄流的流场中,相应的温度还要低得多.16,另外,埃德曼希望空气能够“过饱和”,能够在快速扩张和其引起的冷却中,保持气体状态。

This did not happen. In Wegener’s words, “Looking at the flow through the glass walls, one could see a dense fog. We know now that under the conditions of this particular experiment, the air had indeed partly condensed. The fog was made up of air droplets or solid air particles forming a cloud, much like the water clouds we see in the sky.” To prevent such condensation, it proved necessary not only to feed a hypersonic wind tunnel with compressed air, but to heat this air strongly.
这并没有发生。用韦格纳的话来说,“看玻璃窗观察的流动,人们能够看到一团浓雾。我们现在知道,在这个特殊的实验条件下,空气确实有一定程度的凝结。雾是由空气中的水滴或固体形成一个云,就像我们在天空中看到的水一样”,以防止这样的冷凝,它证明了不只是要向一个高超音速风洞内注入压缩空气,还需要对空气进行强烈加热。

One thus is entitled to wonder whether the Germans would have obtained useful results from their most ambitious wind-tunnel project, a continuous-flow system that was designed to achieve Mach 7, with a possible extension to Mach 10. Its power ratings pointed to the advantage of blowdown facilities, such as those of Peenemunde. The Mach 4.4 Peenemunde installations used a common vacuum sphere, evacuation of which relied on pumps with a total power of 1,100 horse- power. Similar power levels were required to dry the silica gel by heating it, after it became moist. But the big hypersonic facility was to have a one-meter test section and demanded 76,000 horsepower, or 57 megawatts.
因此,人们有权知道,德国人是否会从他们最雄心勃勃的风洞项目获得有用的结果,一个设计要实现7马赫连续流的系统,甚至有可能扩展到10马赫。它的额定功率表现了放气式风洞的优势,如在佩内明德的设施。4.4马赫的佩内明德风洞使用了一个共同的真空球,抽到真空需要依靠总功率达1100马力的泵。还需要类似的功率水平用来干燥硅胶,在它变得潮湿后加热。但大的高超声速设施如果要有一米长的试验段,要求76000马力,也就是57兆瓦。

Such power requirements went beyond what could be provided in straightforward fashion, and plans for this wind tunnel called for it to use Germany’s largest hydroelectric plant. Near Kochel in Bavaria, two lakes—the Kochelsee and Walchensee—are separated in elevation by 660 feet. They stand close together, providing an ideal site for generating hydropower, and a hydro plant at that location had gone into operation in 1925, generating 120 megawatts. Since the new wind tunnel would use half of this power entirely by itself, the power plant was to be enlarged, with additional water being provided to the upper lake by a tunnel through the mountains to connect to another lake.
这样的能源要求超出了直接提供的形式,为了这个风洞,计划需要使用德国最大的水力发电厂。近巴伐利亚的科歇尔,科赫尔湖和瓦尔兴湖之间的在海拔高度差为660英尺。他们连在一起,成为水力发电的理想场所,这一地区在1925年已经投产个水电站,能够提供120兆瓦的发电功率。由于新的风洞将本身将使用全部功率的一半,发电厂需要扩建,通过一个穿山隧道把另外一个湖的水引来,为高处的湖提供额外的水。

In formulating these plans, as with the A-4b, Germany’s reach exceeded its grasp. Moreover, while the big hypersonic facility was to have generous provision for drying its air, there was nothing to prevent the air from condensing, which would have thrown the data wildly off. Still, even though they might have had to learn their lessons in the hard school of experience, Germany was well on its way toward developing a true capability in hypersonics by the end of World War II. And among the more intriguing concepts that might have drawn on this capability was one by the Austrian rocket specialist Eugen Sänger.
在制定这些计划的过程中,就像A-4b一样,德国达到的高度超过了它掌握的资源。此外,虽然大的高超声速设施需要有大量提供干燥空气的能力,但并不能完全阻止空气冷凝,这可能会让实验数据被丢弃。同样的,即便他们可能不得不通过实践来经历的艰苦学习,德国也在进行着的世界二战后期发展出了真正的高超音速能力。而在众多更有趣的高超声速概念中,就包含奥地利火箭专家欧根桑格尔。
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 楼主| 发表于 2019-12-15 22:49 | 显示全部楼层

RE: 译文:高超声速发展简史第一章——二战德国篇

Eugen Sänger Born in 1905, he was of the generation that came of age as ideas of space flight were beginning to germinate. Sänger’s own thoughts began to take shape while he was still in grammar school. His physics teacher gave him, as a Christmas present, a copy of a science-fiction novel, Auf Zwei Planeten (“On Two Planets”). “I was about 16 years old,” Sänger later recalled. “Naturally I read this novel avidly, and thereafter dreamed of doing something like this in my own lifetime.” He soon broadened his readings with the classic work of Hermann Oberth. “I had to pass my examination in mechanics,” he continued, “and had, therefore, made a particular study of this and related subjects. Then I also started to check and recalculate in detail everything in Oberth’s book, and I became convinced that here was something that one could take seriously.”
桑格尔出生于1905年,在他那一代,人们开始萌生太空飞行的想法。在他仍然在文法学校的时候,桑格尔自己的思想已经开始成形。他的物理老师给了他一本科幻小说,作为圣诞礼物, Auf Zwei Planeten(“双行星”)。“我那时大约16岁,桑格尔后来回忆。“我自然热心的读了这部小说,然后梦想着在自己的一生中做这样的事情。”他很快就把他的阅读扩展到了赫尔曼·奥伯特的经典著作。“我必须通过力学考试,”他接着说,“因此,我对这门学科和相关学科作了专门的研究。然后我也开始检查和重新计算了奥伯特书中的每个细节,我确信这其中有些内容真对待。”

He then attended the Technische Hochschule in Vienna, where he tried to win a doctoral degree in 1928 by submitting a dissertation on the subject of rocket- powered aircraft. He did not get very far, later recalling that his professor told him, “If you try, today, to take your doctor degree in spaceflight, you will most probably be an old man with a long beard before you have succeeded in obtaining it.” He turned his attention to a more conventional topic, the structural design of wings for aircraft, and won his degree a year later. But his initial attempt at a dissertation had introduced him to the line of study that he pursued during the next decade and then during the war.
他随后进入了维也纳的理工大学,在那里,他想通过提交火箭为动力飞机的课题论文,在1928获得博士学位。他没能深入太多,后来在回忆中,他的教授告诉他:“如果你今天尝试,以航天飞行为主题的获得博士学位,你将最有可能在变成长胡子老人的时候才能成功获得它。”他把注意力转移到一个更传统的话题,飞机机翼的结构设计,并在一年后获得了他的学位。但是他最初的论文设想,把他引入了他在接下来的十年,在战争期间所从事的研究领域。

In 1933 he turned this dissertation into a book, Raketenflugtechnik. It was the first text in this new field. He wrote of a rocket plane burning liquid oxygen and petrol, which was to reach Mach 10 along with altitudes of 60 to 70 miles. This concept was significant at the time, for the turbojet engine had not yet been invented, and futurists, such as Aldous Huxley who wrote Brave New World, envisioned rockts as the key to high-speed flight in centuries to come.
1933他把论文写成一本书,Raketenflugtechnik(rocket flight engineering,火箭飞行工程)。这是这个新领域的第一篇著作。他写了一个火箭飞机使用液氧和汽油做燃料,能够达到10马赫、60至70英里的高度。这个概念在当时是有标志性的意义的,毕竟当时涡轮喷气发动机尚未发明,如写作《勇敢的新世界》的Aldous Huxley这样的未来学家,把火箭为未来几个世纪实现高速飞行的关键。

Sänger’s altitudes became those of the X-15, a generation later. The speed of his concept was markedly higher. He included a three-view drawing. Its wings were substantially larger than those of eventual high-performance aircraft, although these wings gave his plane plenty of lift at low speed, during takeoff and landing. Its tail surfaces also were far smaller than those of the X-15, for he did not know about the stability problems that loomed in supersonic flight. Still, he clearly had a concept that he could modify through further study.
整整过了一代人之后,桑格尔的目标在X-15的时候实现了。但他的概念中,速度明显期望更高。他绘制了一个三视图,它的机翼比最终实现的高性能飞机的要大,虽然这些机翼在起飞和着陆的低速阶段,能够为飞机提供足够的升力。它的尾翼面积也远小于X-15,因为他不知道超音速阶段的稳定性问题。同样,他相信可以通过未来改进设计提供概念。

In 1934, writing in the magazine Flug (“Flight”), he used an exhaust velocity of 3,700 meters per second and gave a velocity at a cutoff of Mach 13. His Silbervogel, Silver Bird, now was a boost-glide vehicle, entering a steady glide at Mach 3.5 and covering 5,000 kilometers downrange while descending from 60 to 40 kilometers in altitude.
1934年,《飞行》杂志上(Flug)写道,他以每秒3700米的排气速度,截止到13马赫。他的silbervogel,银鸟,现在是一个火箭助推滑翔飞行器,在3.5马赫进入稳定滑翔,从60公里下降到到40公里高空,航程达到5000公里。

He stayed on at the Hochschule and conducted rocket research. Then in 1935, amid the Depression, he lost his job. He was in debt to the tune of DM 2,000, which he had incurred for the purpose of publishing his book, but he remained defiant as he wrote, “Nevertheless, my silver birds will fly!” Fortunately for him, at that time Hitler’s Luftwaffe was taking shape, and was beginning to support a research establishment. Sänger joined the DVL, the German Experimental Institute for Aeronautics, where he worked as technical director of rocket research. He did not go to Peenemunde and did not deal with the V-2, which was in the hands of the Wehrmacht, not the Luftwaffe. But once again he was employed, and he soon was out of debt.
他在学院继续进行火箭研究。然后在1935年,由于抑郁症,他失去了工作。他身负DM 2000马克的债务,这是他出版他的书时产生的费用,但他仍然坚持以轻蔑的口吻写道,“不管怎样,我的银鸟会飞!”,幸运的是,对他来说幸运的是,当时希特勒的纳粹空军已初具规模,并开始支持研究。桑格尔加入了DVL,德国航空实验研究所,在那里他作为火箭研究技术总监。他没有去佩内明德也没有处理V-2,那是在德国国防军手中,而不是空军。他又一次被雇用,他很快就还清了债务。

He also began collaborating with the mathematician Irene Bredt, whom he later married. His Silbervogel remained on his mind as he conducted performance studies with help from Bredt, hoping that this rocket plane might evolve into an Amerika- Bomber. He was aware that when transitioning from an initial ballistic trajectory into a glide, the craft was to re-enter the atmosphere at a shallow angle. He then wondered what would happen if the angle was too steep.
他也开始与数学家艾琳布雷特(Irene Bredt)合作,后来他们结婚了。他的银鸟(silbervogel)仍然在他脑中,并在布雷特的帮助下继续性能研究,希望火箭飞机可能演变成美国轰炸机。他意识到,当从一个初始弹道转变为滑翔状态,从太空船重返大气层需要以一个小的角度。他想知道如果这个角度太陡,会发生什么事。

He and Bredt found that rather than enter a glide, the vehicle might develop so much lift that it would fly back to space on a new ballistic arc, as if bouncing off the atmosphere. Stones skipping over water typically make several such skips, and Sänger found that his winged craft would do this as well. With a peak speed of 3.73 miles per second, compared with 4.9 miles per second as the Earth’s orbital velocity, it could fly halfway around the world and land in Japan, Germany’s wartime ally. At 4.4 miles per second, the craft could fly completely around the world and land in Germany.
他和布雷特发现而仅是进入滑翔状态,飞行器可能会产生很大的升力,它会飞以一个新的弹道弧线回到太空中,好像被大气层弹出去一样。就像打水漂的石头滑过水面时,通常会产生几个这样的跳跃,桑格尔发现他的有翼飞行器也可能会这么做。以每秒3.73英里的最高时速,与地球每秒4.9英里的轨道速度相比,它可以飞越半个地球,到达德国的战时盟友-日本。而以每秒4.4英里的速度,飞船可以绕地球一圈飞回德国降落。

Sänger wrote up their findings in a document of several hundred pages, with the title (in English) of “On a Rocket Propulsion for Long Distance Bombers.” In December 1941 he submitted it for publication—and won a flat rejection the following March. This launched him into a long struggle with the Nazi bureaucracy, as he sought to get his thoughts into print.
桑格尔在一个几百页的文档中写下了他们的研究结果,标题为:“使用火箭推进的远程轰炸机。”1941年十二月,他提交出版,在下一年的3月得到了干净利落的拒绝。这使他陷入了与纳粹的官僚机构长期斗争,因为他试图让自己的想法付梓。

His rocket craft continued to show a clear resemblance to his Silbervogel of the previous decade, for he kept the basic twin-tailed layout even as he widened the fuselage and reduced the size of the wings. Its bottom was flat to produce more lift, and his colleagues called it the Platteisen, the Flatiron. But its design proved to be patentable, and in June 1942 he received a piece of bright news as the government awarded him a Reichs patent concerning “Gliding Bodies for Flight Velocities Above Mach 5.” As he continued to seek publication, he won support from an influential professor, Walter Georgii. He cut the length of his manuscript in half. Finally, in September 1944 he learned that his document would be published as a Secret Command Report.
他的火箭飞船与他十年前的银鸟呈现的样子类似,他保持了基本的双尾翼布局,即使他加宽了机身,减少了机翼的尺寸。它的底部是平的,可以产生更多的升力,他的同事们把它称为熨斗。但它的设计申请了专利,并在1942年六月他收到了明确的消息,政府授予他有关“飞行速度超过5马赫的滑翔体”的帝国专利。他继续寻求出版,他获得了一个有影响力的教授乔氏.沃尔特(Walter Georgii)的支持。他把手稿的长度减少了一半。最后,在1944年九月,他得知自己的文档会被用作秘密报告出版。

The print run came to fewer than a hundred copies, but they went to the people who counted. These included the atomic-energy specialist Werner Heisenberg, the plane builder Willy Messerschmitt, the chief designer Kurt Tank at Focke-Wulf, Ernst Heinkel of Heinkel Aircraft, Ludwig Prandtl who still was active, as well as Wernher von Braun and his boss, General Dornberger. Some copies reached the Allies after the Nazi surrender, with three of them being taken to Moscow. There their content drew attention from the dictator Josef Stalin, who ordered a full translation. He subsequently decided that Sänger and Bredt were to be kidnapped and brought to Moscow.
这份稿子打印的不到一百份,但送给的人却是举足轻重。这些包括原子能专家沃纳海森堡,在飞机专家威利梅塞施米特,Focke-Wulf的首席设计师Kurt Tank在,Heinkel Aircraft的Ernst Heinkel,路德维希普朗特依然活跃,以及冯布劳恩和他的老板,Dornberger将军。纳粹投降后,盟军获得了一些,有三份被带到了莫斯科。书中内容得到了斯大林的注意,下令全文翻译。他随后又决定把桑格尔和布雷特被绑架到了莫斯科。

At that time they were in Paris, working as consultants for the French air force. Stalin sent two agents after them, accompanied by his own son. They nevertheless remained safe; the Soviets never found them. French intelligence agents learned about the plot and protected them, and in any case, the Soviets may not have been looking very hard. One of them, Grigory Tokaty-Tokayev, was the chief rocket sci- entist in the Soviet air force. He defected to England, where he wrote his memoirs for the Daily Express and then added a book, Stalin Means War.
当时他们在巴黎,作为法国空军的顾问。斯大林派了两家代理商,在他们的陪同下,他自己的儿子。然而,他们仍然安全,苏联人从来没有找到他们。法国情报机构了解到该小区的阴谋,并保护他们,在任何情况下,苏联可能不会一直在寻找很难。其中,格里高利tokaty托卡耶夫,是主要的火箭科学在苏联空军科学家。他到英国去,在那里他为日常表达写回忆录,然后又增加了一本书,斯大林就是一场战争。

Sänger, for his part, remained actively involved with his rocket airplane. He succeeded in publishing some of the material from his initial report that he had had to delete. He also won professional recognition, being chosen in 1951 as the first president of the new International Astronautical Federation. He died in 1964, not yet 60. But by then the X-15 was flying, while showing more than a casual resemblance to his Silbervogel of 30 years earlier. His Silver Bird indeed had flown, even though the X-15 grew out of ongoing American work with rocket-powered aircraft and did not reflect his influence. Still, in January of that year—mere weeks before he died—the trade journal Astronautics & Aeronautics published a set of articles that presented new concepts for flight to orbit. These showed that the winged-rocket approach was alive and well.
对桑格尔而言,仍积极投身于他的痴迷的火箭飞机。他成功率出版了他最初的报告的一部份,但他又不得不删除。他同样获得了专业人士的认可,并在1951年当选新的国际宇航联合会第一任主席。他1964去世,还不到60岁。此时X-15正在试飞,没有超过他30年前年前提出的银鸟的样子。他的银鸟的确飞过,尽管X-15源自美国研制的火箭动力飞机,并没有体现他的影响。不过,在那一年的一月,仅仅在他去世的几周前,航空航天月刊发表了一系列的文章,提出了许多新的通过飞行进入轨道的概念。这表明有翼火箭的想法不仅有生命力,而且还发展的很好。

What did he contribute? He was not the first to write of rocket airplanes; that palm probably belongs to his fellow Austrian Max Valier, who in 1927 discussed how a trimotor monoplane of the day, the Junkers G-23, might evolve into a rocket ship. This was to happen by successively replacing the piston motors with rocket engines and reducing the wing area. In addition, World War II saw several military rocket-plane programs, all of which were piloted. These included Germany’s Me-and Natter antiaircraft weapons as well as Japan’s Ohka suicide weapon, the Cherry Blossom, which Americans called Baka, “Fool.” The rocket-powered Bell X-1, with which Chuck Yeager first broke the sound barrier, also was under development well before war’s end.
那么他的贡献是什么呢?他不是第一个提出火箭飞机;这可能属于他的奥地利同事Max Valier,他在1927年就讨论了一个三发单翼的容克G-23,可能会发展成一个火箭飞船。此后发生的是用火箭发动机代替了活塞发动机并减小了机翼面积。另外,二战中看到的几个军事火箭飞机计划,都是有人驾驶的。其中包括德国的Me和蝮蛇防空武器(Natter antiaircraft),以及日本的ohka自杀武器,樱花,美国人叫它八嘎(Baka),日语中的“笨蛋”。火箭动力的贝尔X-1,由Chuck Yeager第一次突破了音障,也是在战争结束前正在研发的。

Nor did Sänger’s 1944 concept hold military value. It was to be boosted by a supersonic rocket sled, which would have been both difficult to build and vulnerable to attack. Even then, and with help from its skipping entry, it would have been a single-stage craft attaining near-orbital velocity. No one then, 60 years ago, knew how to build such a thing. Its rocket engine lay well beyond the state of the art. Sänger projected a mass-ratio, or ratio of fueled to empty weight, of 10—with the empty weight including that of the wings, crew compartment, landing gear, and bomb load. Structural specialists did not like that. They also did not like the severe loads that skipping entry would impose. And after all this Sturm und drang, the bomb load of 660 pounds would have been militarily useless.
不只是桑格尔在1944年的概念没有军事价值。它是由一个超音速火箭橇助推,这将很难建造而且很容易受到攻击。即在那是,借助于它的跳跃再入,它也将是一种接近轨道速度的单级飞行器。60年前,没有人知道如何建造这样的东西。它的火箭发动机远远超出了当时的技术水平。桑格尔提出了质量比,或者说是燃料与空量的比值是10,空重包含了机翼、驾驶舱、起落架以及战斗载荷。结构专家不喜欢这些。他们同样也不喜欢滑跃再入过程面临的严重负载。而在这一切狂飙突进后(Sturm und drang),区区660磅的炸弹载荷在军事上的用途不大。

But Sänger gave a specific design concept for his rocket craft, presenting it in sufficient detail that other engineers could critique it. Most importantly, his skipping entry represented a new method by which wings might increase the effectiveness of a rocket engine. This contribution did not go away. The train of thought that led to the Air Force’s Dyna-Soar program, around 1960, clearly reflected Sänger’s influence. In addition, during the 1980s the German firm of Messerschmitt-Boelkow-Blohm conducted studies of a reusable wing craft that was to fly to orbit as a prospective replacement for America’s space shuttle. The name of this two-stage vehicle was Sänger.
但桑格尔最大的贡献是明确给出了一个具体的设计概念,他的火箭飞船包含了足够多细节,其他工程师可以批判的继承。最重要的是,他提出的跳跃再入代表了一种新的方法,通过采用机翼可以提高火箭发动机的效率。他贡献的思想并没有消失,沿着他的思路,直接导致了美国空军在1960年代的Dyna-Soar计划,明显受到了桑格尔的影响。此外,在上世纪80年代,德国MBB公司(梅塞施米特-伯尔科-布洛姆)进行了一个可重复使用入轨的有翼飞机研究计划,可能作为美国航天飞机潜在的替代品。这种两级飞行器的名字就是桑格尔。

During the war the Germans failed to match the Allies in production of air- planes, but they were well ahead in technical design. This was particularly true in the important area of jet propulsion. They fielded an operational jet fighter, the Me-262, and while the Yankees were well along in developing the Lockheed P-80 as a riposte, the war ended before any of those jets could see combat. Nor was the Me-262 a last-minute work of desperation. It was a true air weapon that showed better speed and acceleration than the improved P-80A in flight test, while demonstrating an equal rate of climb. Albert Speer, Hitler’s minister of armaments, asserted in his autobiographical Inside the Third Reich (1970) that by emphasizing production of such fighters and by deploying the Wasserfall antiaircraft missile that was in development, the Nazis “would have beaten back the Western Allies’ air offensive against our industry from the spring of 1944 on.” The Germans thus might have prolonged the war until the advent of nuclear weapons.
在战争期间,德国人没能在生产飞机的速度上与盟军媲美,但他们在飞机技术设计上遥遥领先。特别是在喷气推进的重要领域更是如此。他们推出了一个实用的喷气式战斗机,就是Me-262,而此时美国佬还在研发洛克希德P-80作为还击,战争结束之前,这些飞机在参与了战斗。Me-262不仅是绝望的最后一刻的作品,它还是一个真正的空中武器,与飞行试验改进P-80A具有相同的爬升率,但却拥有更好的速度和加速。希特勒的军备部长艾伯特施佩尔(Albert Speer),在他的自传《第三帝国内幕》里(1970)强调了正在发展生产这种战机并配备Wasserfall防空导弹,纳粹会击退西方盟军从1944年春天开始对我们的工业设施的打击。”德国人因此可能会延长战争,直到到核武器的出现。
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 楼主| 发表于 2020-01-10 21:53 | 显示全部楼层

RE: 译文:高超声速发展简史第一章——二战德国篇

01.jpg

Aeronautics and Astronautics Chronology, 1945-1949

SOURCE: Eugene M. Emme, comp., Aeronautics and Astronautics: An American Chronology of Science and Technology in the Exploration of Space, 1915-1960 (Washington, DC: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, 1961), pp. 49-63.

https://www.hq.nasa.gov/office/pao/History/Timeline/1945-49.html
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发表于 2020-01-11 09:43 | 显示全部楼层
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德国因为二战失败被掠去大量相关人员为他国工作而失去了很大的持续研发可能,但是德国发动了二战必然要失败。德国的体量依然不足以去颠覆那些更大体量的对手,哪怕是拿下欧洲大部分地区,依然还远远不够。
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 楼主| 发表于 2020-01-11 19:07 | 显示全部楼层
01.jpg
尽管德国仍然需要持续研究,以了解超音速飞行中的飞机载荷,但他们肯定已经表明他们知道了高速空气动力学。当我们回顾20世纪50年代,德国人的成就仍然占有一席之地。美国在资金和技术更加充裕的情况下,积极推行火箭动力航空研究的时候,仍然没有接近A-4b的性能。美国X-2在1956的最好飞行,接近每小时2100英里,基本上是复制德国的失败,它失去了控制,飞行失事造成了飞行员殒命。美国的火箭飞机的速度没有能够达到A-4b的2700英里每小时,直到1961年X-15的出现。
PS:某人不是说A-4b飞不了“80km/2700mph”吗?我就想问问某人,这回怎么喷啊??
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